Among the casualties of President Trump’s declaration of a national emergency to build his border wall is the reputation of the majority leader Mitch McConnell as a Senate institutionalist. The evidence of the last few days has confirmed, if there were still any doubt, that he is no such thing.
First, he helped prolong the longest government shutdown in American history by insisting that the Senate would act only with explicit approval from the president. Now Mr. McConnell has fully acquiesced in President Trump’s power grab by supporting an emergency declaration, which he opposed just weeks before, aimed at addressing a crisis that Senate Republicans know does not exist.
This display of obedience from the leader of a supposedly coequal branch of government is shocking only if you ever believed Mr. McConnell was an institutionalist. But his defining characteristic has always been his willingness to do anything and sacrifice any principle to amass power for himself. What separates him from the garden-variety politicians — what makes him a radical — are the lengths he is willing to go. Seeing this with clarity should help us grasp the danger to which he is subjecting the Senate — and, more important, our democracy.
The signs of Mr. McConnell’s malign influence were always there. Before he became a Senate leader, he dedicated himself to opening the floodgates for corporate money to flow into our political system. Mr. McConnell chased the McCain-Feingold campaign finance reform law all the way to the Supreme Court; the 2003 challenge to the law bears his name. Mr. McConnell lost that one, but his cause prevailed six years later when the Supreme Court overturned restrictions on corporate contributions in Citizens United.
In 2010, as minority leader, Mr. McConnell stated that his main goal was not to help our country recover from the Great Recession but to make President Obama a “one-term president.” A self-declared “proud guardian of gridlock,” he presided over an enormous escalation in the use of the filibuster. His innovation was to transform it from a procedural tool used to block bills into a weapon of nullification, deploying it against even routine Senate business to gridlock the legislative process.
The two forces that characterized Mr. McConnell’s career, obstruction and increasing the power of corporate money in our democracy, have worked hand in hand to diminish the Senate and paralyze American politics. The flood of outside money incentivized obstruction over cooperation, and a new generation of Republicans embraced Mr. McConnell’s obstructionist tactics. Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, for example, owes his standing to a few filibusters and a super PAC: As a freshman senator, he used Mr. McConnell’s tactics to shut down the government in 2013 and parlayed the resulting attention — and fund-raising — to run for president (and lose to Mr. Trump).
Republicans actually took the Senate majority in 2014 in large part on claims to restore the Senate. Unsurprisingly, they broke their promises. Under President Trump, Mr. McConnell continued to run roughshod over Senate traditions, jamming the .5 trillion tax bill through without so much as a proper hearing. The one place the Senate has functioned efficiently is in judicial confirmations, but even here Mr. McConnell has cast aside bipartisan norms and reduced the Senate to a rubber stamp for some unqualified, extremist judges, including those rated “unqualified” by the American Bar Association.
Mr. McConnell is not playing three-dimensional chess. There is no grand strategy or long game — there is only what best serves his narrow interest. And since 2010, Mr. McConnell has been convinced that his interests are best served through strict obedience to the Republican base. That year, his handpicked candidate, Trey Grayson, lost a Senate Republican primary in Kentucky to an insurgent named Rand Paul. It was a humiliating defeat and called into question Mr. McConnell’s power in his own backyard. It also invited a Tea Party challenge against his re-election in 2014.
Since that scare, Mr. McConnell has rigidly adhered to whatever the base wants, institutions be damned. When the base wanted Judge Merrick Garland blocked, he obeyed. When the base wanted Mr. Trump embraced, he obeyed. While Paul Ryan was playing Hamlet in the summer of 2016, Mr. McConnell quickly endorsed Mr. Trump, providing institutional cover and repeatedly assuring Republicans that Mr. Trump would “be fine.” Mr. McConnell didn’t think Mr. Trump was going to win — he has said so himself — but he probably figured that the damage could be contained.
The crass self-interest at so many turns now poses a danger to our democracy. With Mr. Trump increasingly erratic and Robert Mueller’s investigation advancing, there is simply no reason to believe he will stand up for American institutions when it counts. He has already demonstrated a willingness to put his self-interest above America’s national security: In a classified briefing in 2016, Mr. McConnell reportedly cast doubt on C.I.A. intelligence about Russia’s interference in our election and threatened that if President Obama publicly challenged Russia, he’d twist it into a partisan issue. And when the four congressional leaders drafted a bipartisan letter to the states urging them to take action to protect our election infrastructure against Russian interference, Mr. McConnell categorically rejected all efforts to strengthen the letter.
Last week, Mr. McConnell had a choice. He didn’t have to acquiesce to the emergency declaration — he could have asserted the Senate’s independence at a critical time by passing the spending bill without validating Mr. Trump’s emergency declaration. If that prompted a veto, Mr. McConnell could have overridden it. That would be real leadership, and a clear assertion of the Senate’s independence. Instead, he meekly acquiesced in another presidential power grab.
In the months ahead, our institutions are likely to be tested as rarely before. Under a strong leader, the Senate could provide a critical counterweight to an out-of-control executive. Instead, we have a man who will put his self-interest first, every single time. We should enter this chapter with clarity and finally see Mr. McConnell for what he is. He’s not an institutionalist. He is the man who surrendered the Senate to Donald Trump.
Adam Jentleson, a former deputy chief of staff to retired Senator Harry Reid, is the public affairs director at Democracy Forward.
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【他】【这】【才】【刚】【刚】【来】【到】【狐】【狸】【洞】【没】【多】【久】，【就】【送】【出】【七】【颗】【法】【则】【果】【实】，【看】【似】【随】【意】，【但】【一】【切】【都】【在】【涂】【小】【安】【的】【计】【划】【之】【中】。 “【见】【面】【礼】？” 【狐】【帝】【跟】【一】【众】【姐】【妹】【都】【惊】【的】【宛】【如】【石】【化】，【这】【七】【颗】【法】【则】【果】【实】，【人】【手】【一】【颗】，【对】【她】【们】【来】【说】，【简】【直】【就】【是】【天】【大】【的】【恩】【赐】，【还】【仅】【仅】【只】【是】【见】【面】【礼】【啊】。 【这】【死】【而】【复】【生】【的】【蛇】【皇】【大】【人】【真】【是】【手】【笔】【越】【来】【越】【大】【了】。 【对】【于】【还】【没】【飞】【升】
【在】【迎】【客】【酒】【楼】【的】【包】【厢】，【苏】【书】【坐】【在】【红】【漆】【圆】【桌】【前】，【手】【拿】【一】【杯】【茶】，【抿】【了】【一】【口】，【看】【着】【周】【瑾】【玉】。 【她】【搭】【了】【个】【小】【圆】【凳】，【站】【在】【上】【面】，【手】【扒】【在】【窗】【沿】【上】，【向】【下】【看】，【精】【神】【头】【十】【足】。 “【玉】【儿】，【还】【没】【看】【烦】？” 【苏】【书】【有】【些】【无】【奈】。【这】【大】【半】【日】，【她】【就】【没】【离】【开】【过】【那】【儿】，【连】【吃】【饭】【都】【是】【他】【挑】【了】【一】【些】【菜】，【将】【碗】【端】【到】【她】【手】【中】【的】。 【往】【嘴】【里】【扒】【饭】【的】【时】【候】，【眼】【睛】
“【突】【破】【不】【了】？【黑】【莲】【借】【你】【力】【量】【用】【用】！”【江】【离】【直】【接】【调】【动】【黑】【莲】【的】【力】【量】，【他】【的】【力】【量】【瞬】【间】【突】【破】【了】【成】【丹】【期】【大】【圆】【满】【境】【界】，【直】【接】【跨】【入】【六】【尘】【境】！ 【跨】【越】【一】【个】【大】【等】【级】【的】【境】【界】【之】【力】【冲】【来】，【那】【所】【谓】【的】【难】【关】【瞬】【间】【被】【冲】【的】【炸】【开】！ 【那】【声】【音】【如】【同】【天】【崩】【地】【裂】【一】【般】，【显】【然】【这】【种】【强】【行】【冲】【关】【的】【行】【为】，【产】【生】【了】【极】【大】【的】【反】【噬】【之】【力】。 【可】【惜】，【在】【黑】【莲】【的】【力】【量】【守】【护】【下】，2016香港公开平码3中3【不】【死】【山】【内】【帝】【皇】【涌】。【域】【外】【神】【灵】【难】【争】【峰】。【乱】【世】【大】【帝】【展】【神】【力】。【独】【战】【苍】【穹】【动】【虚】【空】…… 【一】【首】【葬】【歌】【在】【虚】【空】【之】【中】【响】【起】，【来】【源】【不】【可】【追】【溯】，【玄】【妙】【难】【测】，【充】【满】【了】【一】【股】【浩】【瀚】【无】【垠】【的】【感】【觉】。 【这】【首】【葬】【歌】【不】【是】【由】【人】【而】【唱】，【来】【源】【于】【天】【地】【之】【中】。 【这】【是】【属】【于】【天】【地】【乾】【坤】【的】【反】【馈】。 【这】【首】【葬】【歌】【只】【为】【歌】【颂】【那】【个】【人】，【歌】【颂】【他】【在】【最】【黑】【暗】【的】【时】【代】【顶】【起】【一】【片】【天】【地】
【事】【实】【上】【不】【仅】【杨】【树】，【海】【市】【的】【许】【多】【传】【奇】【强】【者】【都】【已】【经】【汇】【聚】【到】【之】【前】【黑】【色】【地】【铁】【出】【现】【的】【地】【方】。 【不】【仅】【如】【此】，【那】【个】【从】【京】【城】【赶】【来】【的】【超】【凡】，【也】【来】【了】。 【与】【此】【同】【时】，【整】【个】【海】【市】【已】【经】【开】【始】【了】【连】【夜】【大】【撤】【离】，【不】【管】【是】【因】【为】【诡】【异】【的】【出】【现】，【还】【是】【因】【为】【异】【界】【人】【的】【阴】【谋】，【海】【市】【都】【需】【要】【大】【撤】【离】。 【杨】【树】【就】【在】【距】【离】【地】【铁】【站】【五】【百】【多】【米】【外】【的】【一】【座】【小】【楼】【顶】【上】，【默】【默】【地】
“【纪】【长】【老】，【不】【好】【了】！”【一】【个】【惊】【惶】【的】【声】【音】【从】【空】【中】【传】【来】。 【围】【着】【纪】【光】【周】【围】【的】【数】【人】【抬】【头】【望】【去】，【只】【见】【一】【道】【遁】【光】【飞】【来】。【这】【遁】【光】【落】【到】【地】【上】，【现】【出】【一】【个】【山】【羊】【胡】【老】【者】，【修】【为】【到】【是】【不】【高】，【仅】【为】【元】【丹】【中】【期】。 【这】【老】【者】【走】【向】【前】【来】，【一】【脸】【惊】【惶】【之】【向】【一】【个】【年】【纪】【约】【莫】【四】【旬】【上】【下】【的】【黑】【袍】【修】【士】【施】【礼】【道】：“【纪】【长】【老】，【大】【事】【不】【好】！【少】【主】【死】【了】！” 【那】【黑】【袍】【修】
【第】1106【章】 “【闪】【闪】，【明】【天】【是】【我】【生】【日】，【你】【有】【没】【有】【准】【备】【礼】【物】【送】【给】【我】【呀】？” 【梁】【一】【夏】【握】【着】【七】【岁】【小】【姑】【娘】【的】【手】，【一】【双】【眼】【睛】【亮】【的】【不】【像】【话】。 【闪】【闪】【眨】【了】【眨】【眼】，【摇】【头】【道】：“【没】【有】，【闪】【闪】【不】【知】【道】【夏】【夏】【哥】【哥】【明】【天】【生】【日】，【闪】【闪】【现】【在】【去】【准】【备】【好】【不】【好】？” “【不】【用】【不】【用】，【闪】【闪】【你】【明】【天】【亲】【我】【一】【下】【就】【好】【了】……【哎】【哟】！”【梁】【一】【夏】【这】【句】【话】【才】【刚】【说】【完】(来源：罗盛教)